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Thick description

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In the social sciences and related fields, a thick description is a description of human social action that describes not only physical behaviors also but their context as interpreted by the actors as that the description can be better understood by an outsider. A thick description typically adds a record of subjective explanations and meanings provided by the people engaged in the behaviors and makes the collected data of greater value for studies by other social scientists.

The term was first introduced by the 20th-century philosopher Gilbert Ryle. However, the predominant sense in which it is used today was developed by anthropologist Clifford Geertz in his book The Interpretation of Cultures (1973) to characterize his own method of doing ethnography.[1] Since then, the term and the methodology it represents has gained widespread currenc, not only in the social sciences but also, for example, in the type of literary criticism known as New Historicism.

Gilbert Ryle

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Thick description was first introduced by the British philosopher Gilbert Ryle in 1968 in "The Thinking of Thoughts: What is 'Le Penseur' Doing?" and "Thinking and Reflecting".[2]

  1. thin, which includes surface-level observations of behaviour; and
  2. thick, which adds context to such behaviour.

That would explain the context required grasping individuals' motivations for their behaviors and how the behaviors were understood by other observers of the community as well.

The method emerged while the ethnographic school was pushing for an ethnographic approach that paid particular attention to everyday events. The school of ethnography thought that seemingly-arbitrary events could convey important notions of understanding, which could be lost at a first glance.[3] Similarly Bronisław Malinowski put forth the concept of a native point of view in his 1922 work, Argonauts of the Western Pacific. Malinowski felt that an anthropologist should try to understand the perspectives of ethnographic subjects in relation to their own world.

Clifford Geertz

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Following Ryle's work, the American anthropologist Clifford Geertz repopularized the concept. Known for his work on symbolic and interpretive anthropology, Geertz's methods were in response to his criticism of existing anthropological methods, which searched for universal truths and theories. He was against comprehensive theories of human behavior; rather, he advocated methodologies that highlight culture from the perspective of how people looked at and experienced life. His 1973 article, "Thick Description: Toward an Interpretive Theory of Culture," synthesizes his approach.[4]

Thick description emphasized a more analytical approach; observation alone had been the primary approach. To Geertz, analysis separated observation from interpretative methodologies. An analysis is meant to pick out the critical structures and established codes. The analysis begins with distinguishing all individuals present and coming to an integrative synthesis that accounts for the actions produced. The ability of thick descriptions to showcase the totality of a situation to aid in the overall understanding of findings was called mélange of descriptors. As Lincoln & Guba (1985) indicate, findings are not the result of thick description; rather they result from analyzing the materials, concepts, or persons that are "thickly described."[5]

Geertz (1973) takes issue with the state of anthropological practices in understanding culture. By highlighting the reductive nature of ethnography, to reduce culture to "menial observations," Geertz hoped to reintroduce ideas of culture as semiotic. By this he intended to add signs and deeper meaning to the collection of observations. Those ideas would challenge Edward Burnett Tylor's concepts of culture as a "most complex whole" that is able to be understood. Instead culture to Geertz could never be fully understood or observed and so ethnographic observations must rely on the context of the population being studied by understanding how its participants come to recognize actions in relation to one another and to the overall structure of the society in a specific place and time. Today, various disciplines have implemented thick description in their work.[6]

Geertz pushes for a search for a "web of meaning". These ideas were incompatible with textbook definitions of ethnography of the times that described ethnography as systematic observations[7] of different populations under the guise of racial categorization and categorizing the "other."[citation needed] To Geertz, culture should be treated as symbolic and allow for observations to be connected with greater meanings.[8]

This approach brings about its own difficulties. Studying communities via large-scale anthropological interpretation brings about discrepancies in understanding. As cultures are dynamic and changing, Geertz also emphasizes the importance of speaking to rather than speaking for the subjects of ethnographic research and recognizing that cultural analysis is never complete. This method is essential to approach the actual context of a culture. As such, Geertz points out that interpretive works provide ethnographers the ability to have conversations with the people they study.[9]

Interpretive turn

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Geertz is revered for his pioneering field methods and clear, accessible prose writing style (cf. Robinson's critique, 1983). He was considered "for three decades...the single most influential cultural anthropologist in the United States."[10]

Interpretive methodologies were needed[citation needed] to understand culture as a system of meaning. Because of this, Geertz's influence is connected[citation needed] with "a massive cultural shift"[citation needed] in the social sciences - referred to as the interpretive turn.[11] The interpretive turn in the social sciences had strong foundations in the methodology of cultural anthropology. A shift occurred from using structural approaches (as an interpretive lens) towards meaning. With the interpretive turn, contextual and textual information took the lead in understanding reality, language, and culture. This was all under the assumption that a better anthropology included understanding the particular behaviors of the communities being studied.[12][13]

Geertz's thick-description approach, along with the theories of Claude Lévi-Strauss, has become increasingly recognized as a method of symbolic anthropology,[7][3] enlisted as a working antidote to overly technocratic abd mechanistic means of understanding cultures, organizations, and historical settings. Influenced by Ryle, Ludwig Wittgenstein, Max Weber, Paul Ricoeur, and Alfred Schütz, the method of descriptive ethnography that came to be associated with Geertz is credited[citation needed] with resuscitating field research from an endeavor of ongoing objectification, the focus of research being "out there," to a more immediate undertaking in which participant observation embeds the researcher in the enactment of the settings being reported.

However, despite its dissemination among the disciplines, thick description has been criticized by some theorists,[14] who are skeptical about its ability of somehow interpreting the meaning by compiling so much information. They also questioned how the data would naturally provide the totality of a society.[7]

See also

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References

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  1. ^ Geertz (1973), pp. 5–6, 9–10.
  2. ^ Ryle, Gilbert. [1968] 1996. "The Thinking of Thoughts: What is 'Le Penseur' Doing?" Studies in Anthropology 11:11. ISSN 1363-1098. Archived from the original on 10 April 2008. Retrieved 25 June 2008.
  3. ^ a b Yon (2003), p. ?.
  4. ^ Geertz (1973)
  5. ^ Lincoln, Yvonna S., and Egon G. Guba. 1985. Naturalistic Inquiry. 1985. ISBN 9780803924314. SAGE. ISBN 9780803924314.
  6. ^ Thompson (2001).
  7. ^ a b c Barth (2007), p. ?.
  8. ^ Geertz (1973)
  9. ^ Geertz (1973)
  10. ^ McCloskey (1988), p. ?.
  11. ^ Bachmann-Medick 2016, p. 54.
  12. ^ Bachmann-Medick (2016), p. ?.
  13. ^ Hodder & Shanks (1997), p. ?.
  14. ^ e.g. Munson (1986), Robinson (1983)

Sources

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